politics – Nigeria Solidarity

Victory At Last! #EndBadGovernance Activists ‘Treason’ Trial Cancelled

Pressure forces Nigerian Government to anabdon sham trial of Adaramoye Michael Lenin and 10 other #EndBadGovernance protestors charged with treason and terrorism

Today, December 10, 2025, Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court Abuja struck out the treason and terrorism charges against Adaramoye Michael Lenin and 10 others. In his ruling, Justice Emeka lamented that the prosecuting counsel had shown a lack of diligence and seriousness in the case they initiated against the protesters. Subsequently, Michael Lenin and his co-defendants, who were detained and put on trial over the August 2024 nationwide #EndBadGovenance protest against mass hunger, economic hardship and anti-poor policies of Bola Tinubu government, were acquitted. Other activists are Daniel Akande, Mosiu Sadiq Adeyemi Abiodun Abayomi, Angel Love Innocent, Bashir Bello, Nuradeen Khamis, Buhari Lawal, Opaluwa Eleojo Simeon, Suleiman Yakubu. Abdulsalam Zubairu.

Since the arraignment of the 11 #Endbadgovernance protesters on September 2, 2024, after unlawfully spending many weeks in police cells and prison, the Nigerian government had wasted public resources to sustain charges of treason and terrorism against them without being able to prosecute their own case. Rather, the police prosecutors repeatedly employed different delayed tactics and sought adjournment after adjournment. At least all of them were eventually given bail and freed from prison.

We recall that on June 25, 2025, Justice Emeka warned the prosecuting counsel to desist from further delaying the trial and expressly stated that the case would be struck out if the police further attempted to postpone the trial, following the resilient agitations of the legal representatives of the activists. The judge was actually compelled to strike out this case due to the relentless campaign of our comrades and supporters locally and internationally. Repeatedly public protests were held around the world while trade unions and civil rights organisations demanded this trial stopped. It was the same pressure that forced the government and police to abandon the trial as the police prosector was absent in court today. Left to the government and police, they were prepared to perpetually tie the treason trial around the neck of the #EndBadGovernance activists in order to serve as deterrent to further mass protests against its anti-poor policies and attacks on democratic rights.

It is fitting and instructive that the news of the court victory came when activists were again on the streets of Lagos, Ibadan and elsewhere in Nigeria to use the occasion of the December 10 World Human Rights Day to highlight and put on the front burner the demand for an immediate end to the sham trial of 11 #Endbadgovernance activists and an end to other instances of attacks on democratic rights in Nigeria. The Youth Rights Campaign (YRC) expresses a profound appreciation to all the lawyers who rendered free legal service and comrades, supporters and activists locally and internationally for their sustained pressure and unflinching support throughout the periods of arrest, detention, and trial.

We consider this a victory, not just for the 11 #Endbadgovernance activists, but also for all Nigerians desirous of a better society. This is an example that we can fight and defeat a tyrannical government like the Tinubu government. Nigerian working people and youths must continue to fight consistently against bad governance and pro-capitalist policies of the government.

The Youth Rights Campaign (YRC) demands a public apology from the Nigerian government to all acquitted #Endbadgovernance activists, return of the properties and unfreezing of the bank accounts. We also demand adequate compensation for the 11 activists and all victims of abuse during and after the #Endbadgovernance protest. We also demand the immediate freedom of all the jailed #Endbadgovernance protesters sentenced to seven years imprisonment in Borno and withdrawal of charges against anybody still on trial over the August 2024 #Endbadgovernance protest. We maintain that protest against anti-poor policies and bad governance is a democratic right and must not be criminalized.

Francis Nwapa

National Secretary

YRC email: youth_rights@yahoo.com

Drop Sham Charges and End Treason Trial of #EndBadGovernance Activists

Treason Trial of Michael Lenin and 10 Others Comes Up Again on October 9 at FHC Abuja

Again, on Thursday October 9, Adaramoye Michael Lenin and 10 other activists are expected to appear, for the fifth time, before the Federal High Court in Abuja for a treason trial as a result of their participation in the nationwide #EndBadGovernance protests in August 2024. We of the Youth Rights Campaign (YRC) believe that what the activists are facing is a sham trial as protest against anti-poor policies is not tantamount to treason.

We therefore demand that the government withdraws the trumped-up charges preferred against these #EndBadGovernance protesters who are currently on bail with stringent conditions after having been incarcerated for at least two months both in the police custody and prisons. The other activists are Daniel Akande, Mosiu Sodeeq, Adeyemi Abiodun Abayomi, Suleiman Yakubu, Opaluwa Eleojo Simeon, Angel Love Innocent (female), Buhari Lawal, Bashir Bello Nuradeen Khamis and Abdulsalam Zubairu.

We strongly believe that the government cannot prove the charges against the activists as they are ridiculous and frivolous. For instance, the police in their charge sheet state that the activists committed treason, which carries a death penalty, because they carried a placard with a message: “End Bad Government”.

We believe that the inability to prove the charges is the reason the government has continued to employ delayed tactics in this case, something in which the trial judge, Justice Emeka Nwite, appears to be complicit. Since last November when the trial was first scheduled, it was only on the last adjourned date of June 25 that Judge himself was available in court, having been absent three times previously. Even at the said last sitting, there was no trial as a lawyer who appeared as the new police prosecutor, in order to further waste time, requested more time to study the case. We challenge Justice Nwite to fulfill the promise he made in the court on June 25 that he would strike out the case if the prosecutor further delays the trial.

It is not out of place to conclude that as part of its wider policy of criminalizing dissent, the government is determined to tie the treason trial around the neck of the #EndBadGovernance activists in order to serve as deterrent to another mass protest against its anti-poor policies.

Therefore, we call on civil society organisations, human rights groups, socialist and left groups, trade unions, activists and individuals of good conscience, in Nigeria and internationally, to support the demand for dropping of charges against the eleven #EndBadGovernance activists on trial in Abuja, and others across the country on similar sham trials, in order to totally regain their freedom. There should be also demands for an end to attacks on democratic rights and reversal of all anti-poor policies, which were the reason for the nationwide protest in the first place.

We commend individuals and groups, locally and internationally, who have been part of the struggle and solidarity for freedom for #EndBadGovernance activists since August 2024. We call for continued solidarity actions until there is total victory.

Francis Nwapa

National Secretary,

Youth Rights Campaign (YRC)

Email: youth_rights@yahoo.com

One Year of the ‘Treason Trial’

2025-09-03 - IMAGE Nigeria Treason Trial (YRC) — (IMAGE: Adaramoye Michael Lenin)

Today, September 2, 2025, marks exactly a year since the Tinubu government arraigned Adaramoye Michael Lenin and nine other #EndBadGovernance protesters over their role in the #EndBadGovernance protest, which took place between August 1 and 10, 2024. Michael Lenin – National Coordinator of YRC, Mosiu Sodiq, Angel Love Innocent, Buhari Lawal, Adeyemi Abayomi, Eleojo Opaluwa, Nurudeen Khamis, Bashir Bello, Suleiman Yakubu and Abdulsalam Zubairu were detained for weeks at a notorious detention centre of the Police in FCT Abuja, popularly known as Abattoir.

False and outrageous charges were levelled against them, including treason, terrorism, and mutiny, among others. Consequently, they were remanded in prison and were only granted bail on stringent conditions after 9 days. In fact, most of them had to spend about a month in jail because they couldn’t meet the bail conditions easily. Importantly, they were re-arraigned on September 17, 2024, with another detained protester, Daniel Akande, added to the defendants.

The Youth Rights Campaign (YRC) uses this opportunity to demand the immediate dropping of these nefarious and false charges against #EndBadGovernance protesters. After a year, the prosecutors have not provided any evidence to support their claims of treason, terrorism, etc. In fact, the case has suffered several adjournments. This delay tactic is to ensure the charges of treason and terrorism continue to be hung around the necks of these activists; this is inline with the antics of the Tinubu government to criminalize dissent. We also call on civil society organisations, youth groups, trade unions, individual activists and people of good conscience to support the demand for the immediate withdrawal of the sham charges and carry out different solidarity actions like issuing public statements, sending protest messages and organizing peaceful demo on or before October 9 which is the next date for the adjourned treason trial at the Federal High Court Abuja.

We also seize this opportunity to reiterate our call for the release of seven #EndBadGovernance protesters who were recently convicted in Borno state and sentenced to prison. We strongly believe that no Nigerian should be sent to prison or punished for exercising their fundamental rights to protest. The judiciary must not become the bride of despotic politicians or offer itself to be used to undermine basic human rights.

The Youth Rights Campaign (YRC) also calls for freedom for all who are still in detention or on trial in connection with #EndBadGovernance protest.

The Tinubu government has continued to act true to its draconian nature; the attacks on the fundamental rights of Nigerians are still ongoing. In fact, cases of police brutality have become a daily occurrence. Alongside this calamitous situation is the continuation of the neo-liberal and anti-masses polices. None of the demands made by Nigerians during the #EndBadGovernance protest has been met by the government; it ignored them all. To respond to this, we need a united mass platform of resistance, uniting all oppressed layers of society, particularly the working masses. We urge the labour leadership to wake up to its responsibility and lend its weight to the building of mass resistance against repression and anti-poor policies under the Tinubu government.

We demand the immediate and unconditional dropping of all charges on Michael Lenin, and other #EndBadGovernance protesters
We reiterate our call for the immediate release of seven unjustly convicted #EndBadGovernance protesters in Borno and all protesters still in prison
We demand justice for all Nigerians killed and injured during the #EndBadGovernance protest
Working people and youth must unite against attacks on democratic and anti-poor policies of the Tinubu failed government

Youth Rights Campaign (YRC), Nigeria

ABBEY TROTSKY VS NIGERIA POLICE: Court Hearing Adjourned Again till November 27

Appreciation for Solidarity and Appeal for Continued Support

The long running criminal case of Abbey Trotsky vs. Nigeria Police has been adjourned till November 27, 2025, following the absence of the presiding magistrate at Magistrate Court 6, Iyaganku Division, Ibadan. The magistrate was away on official duty, although the police prosecutor had earlier noted that their third witness was not yet ready for cross-examination.

Abbey Trotsky, Oyo State Coordinator of the Campaign for Democratic and Workers’ Rights (CDWR) and Acting National Chairperson of the Socialist Party of Nigeria (SPN), faces charges brought by Sumal Food Limited through the Nigeria Police. These charges arise from his support in October 2018 for casual workers at Sumal Food Limited who were demanding better wages and improved working conditions. These show that the criminal allegations and charges levelled, in 2019, against Abbey Trotsky are trumped up and politically motivated.

Abbey Trotsky (second from left) with supporters outside a Magistrate Court in Ibadan on September 12

The hearing drew strong solidarity from activists and trade unionists, including Prof. Ademola Aremu, Oyo State Coordinator of the Joint Action Front and former National Treasurer of the Academic Staff Union of Universities and Comrade Andrew Emelieze, former Trade Union Congress, TUC Chairman, Oyo State Chapter. Their presence highlights the broad support from left activists and pro-masses organisations for Abbey Trotsky in this protracted legal struggle.

The CDWR extends heartfelt appreciation to all media organizations, both those on the ground and those providing virtual coverage, for their steadfast attention to this case, which stands as a symbol of the fight for labour rights and social justice in Nigeria. At the same time, we are appealing for continued national and international political and financial support to sustain the legal defense and public campaign. Since the case began in 2019, it has spotlighted not only the challenges faced by pro-labour activists but also the fact that the police are tools in the hand of bosses for suppression of workers’ rights and interests. Again, the unwavering solidarity shown to Abbey Trotsky underscores the significance of this struggle against casualization and exploitative labour practices. We reiterate our consistent call on the leadership of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) to take seriously the struggle against casualization

We of the CDWR remain hopeful for a just conclusion of this matter as we remain undaunted in our campaign against casualization and other forms of indecent labour practices including the defense of workers’ rights across Nigeria.

Yusuf Salaudeen

For the CDWR Oyo State chapter

E-mail: campaignworkers@yahoo.co.uk

Nepal: Mass Protests Topple Sharma Oli

Can The Struggle Be Taken Further?

Yet again, Nepal is witnessing another historic movement; the days when decades happened. Thousands of protesters, mainly young people, took to the streets to protest against the ban on social media platforms by Prime Minister Sharma Oli. The ban on social media platforms like Facebook, TikTok, YouTube, etc., was imposed on September 4. For young people who have endured an existence of mass misery, joblessness, and hopelessness, the ban on social media platforms became the last straw to break the camel’s back.

By Michael Lenin

National Coordinator, Youth Rights Campaign and member, Democratic Socialist Movement

Anger began to boil against the administration of Sharma, and on Monday, September 8, this anger translated into a mass movement. In what has been tagged as a “Gen Z movement” by commentators and mainstream media, the protest involving tens of thousands broke out in several cities and towns of Nepal. Protests occurred across Nepal, from Kathmandu to Pokhara, Birgunj, Biratnagar, Bharatpur, and other cities, with significant turnouts.

REPRESSION RESISTED

The immediate response of the regime was heavy repression of the protest. Reports indicate that about 19 people were killed by security agents on the first day of the protest, while hundreds were injured, although there are indications that the death figure could be higher than 19. In the face of heavy repression, the protest took a different turn and grew stronger; they successfully resisted the repression. On September 9, not only was the ban on social media lifted, but Prime Minister Sharma Oli, who had planted the thorns that pierced him, resigned as Prime Minister. Sharma Oli, who had imposed a ban on social media against the people, was sent packing within two days of mass movement!

BEYOND THE BAN

Importantly, the ban on social media platforms was not the only fuel that drove mass anger against Sharma; in fact, it was merely a detonator of the anger. Since returning to power last year, Sharma had provoked the anger of the masses. Many of his acts of high-handedness generated mass anger, but he was never challenged on the streets. This gave him the overblown confidence that he and his cronies could continue to have their way. For instance, Sharma unleashed several attacks against NGOs and civil societies in Nepal, stiffened the civic space, used the CIIA (an anti-corruption agency) to witch-hunt his opponents, and appointed his cronies to key positions.

Being among the ruling cabals became a license to a life of opulence. Together, they all lived happily while thousands of Nepalese citizens lived in misery. By estimation, over 20% of citizens live in extreme poverty. Youth unemployment as of 2024 stood at 20.84%, while over 700,000 youths yearly seek to work outside the country in search of greener pastures. The employment program initiated by Sharma this year successfully employed just about 3,300 out of over 800,000 who applied. This reflects the agonizing situation of the masses of Nepal and the background to the mass anger. These are the crimes of Sharma Oli that the Nepalese youth are determined to punish him for. But these are not just the crimes of Sharma; they are the inevitable reality attached to capitalism.

In 2006 Nepal witnessed a revolution which swept away the old powers, including the monarchy. The last King had attempted to impose direct rule in 2005, the resistance to this led to the revolutionary developments and, in 2008, an elected Constituent Assembly formally abolished the monarchy and declared Nepal a republic. Despite their mass support and heading different governments the rival Communist Parties, which politically are different variants of Maoism, either collaborated with the capitalists or effectively prevented a break with capitalism. This was because, unlike Lenin and the Bolsheviks in the 1917 Russian revolution, they did not have a clear socialist programme to offer workers, youth and the oppressed nationalities.

The result was that the capitalists were given room to regroup and Nepal, like other third-world countries, remained trapped in primitive production conditions and is unable to progress. For instance, a large part of the GDP, about 30%, comes from foreign remittances, while over 60% of production is in the agriculture sector. In fact, there is very little potential for youth to work without being confined to farmlands with hoes in their hands.

POWER AND FIRE

The mass movement continues, and the cities of Nepal are soaked in flames from burnt houses and properties of corrupt politicians. Power has left the walls of government buildings; it now resides with the mass of angry protesters. A video of the Hilton hotel, an abode for corrupt politicians to lavish money on merriment, circulated on social media; fire and flames had consumed it, burnt down by angry protesters. Many politicians have now abandoned their homes and fled. Without a Prime Minister, without the parliament, and with the flight of political officeholders, the institutions of repression—the police, law courts, and prisons—have become paralyzed. The police, without a “state” to be loyal to, are non-existent. The question is who will fill this vacuum?

YOUTH UPRISING: WHERE IS THE PLACE OF THE WORKING CLASS?

This is an era of youth-led mass movements, where young people are left with unanswered questions about why their lives remain a sad story of poverty and misery, and a future that grows bleaker daily. There has been a wave of youth mass movements in many African countries. This “Gen Z” uprising in Nepal, a country in Asia, shows how wide and fierce the fire of resistance can spread. In Kenya, the protest of the youth successfully forced the Ruto government to reverse the finance bill, though the regime doubled down on its repression of protesters. In Nigeria, the EndBadGovernance protests challenged the Tinubu government and the ruling class. Although unable to win a major concession, the movement showed that mass resistance against a despotic government is possible.

What is significantly missing in the recent uprising of youth is the power of the working class. The 2006 revolution saw workers’ general strike action. Today, although workers are sympathetic to these mass movements and sometimes even join at the barricade, the question of workers’ power is not merely in sympathy with a mass movement or in the direct participation of one or two members or even a thousand workers. The power of the working class in a mass movement lies, as Leon Trotsky would put it: “The force of mass movements lies not in their numbers, but in the transformation of the workers’ consciousness, in their ability to act as a class.” And in all of the youth mass movements, this consciousness of the working class—the ability of the workers to act as a class—is apparently missing. However, this is not because workers are not prepared to struggle or challenge dictatorial capitalist regimes; it lies in the failure of leadership. Indeed, “The historic crisis of mankind is reduced to the crisis of the revolutionary leadership.”

A PROGRAMME FOR SOCIALIST REVOLUTION IN NEPAL

Today in Nepal, a revolutionary situation exists. How far this can go depends on many factors. But for the uprising to transform into a socialist revolution, the key forces of the working class and the peasants must enter the arena of this movement. The movement must move forward, from a movement of youth to a movement of the entire oppressed class.

Power in Nepal is dangling in the air. If the revolutionaries are not organized to take it, the counter-revolutionaries will. Therefore, this movement can only take two steps forward into a socialist revolution or retreat into a loss. The existence of a revolutionary party of the oppressed, capable of unifying the oppressed forces under one single banner, capable of leading the onslaught against capitalism—a party with clear ideas of socialism and concretely how to achieve it—is essential. Sadly, this important feature is non-existent. If the people don’t take power, it will be taken from them; power cannot dangle in the air for long.

In this regard, without an organization of the oppressed, armed with clear ideas of scientific socialism, with great experience in struggle and ready to lead the onslaught, the struggle for socialism in the present uprising in Nepal faces an impediment.

A SOCIALIST REVOLUTION IS POSSIBLE

The struggle in Nepal has shown with absolute clarity that the conditions for the development of revolutionary situations exist. It is not yet an end of history, as defenders of capitalism would want the people to believe. Whichever way the ongoing movement in Nepal finds itself, it has successfully ignited discussions on revolutionary and socialism around the world. The ruling class of the world are once again reminded that each of them sits on ticking time bomb. The development of humanity, a complete shift from capitalism is possible. The genuine forces of socialism also have a great role to play in the unfolding situation globally. The role of uniting the forces of oppressed and organizing the anger of the falls more on socialist revolutionaries especially in a period of lack of militant working class leadership.

June 12: Protesters Call for Sustained Resistance against Tinubu’s Anti-Poor Policies and Attacks on Democratic Rights

On June 12, protests were held in a few states across the country as a continuation of an expression by the working masses and youth of their rejection of the anti-poor capitalist policies of the Tinubu government and its descent into civilian dictatorship with attacks on democratic rights. In other words, the conduct and action of the Tinubu government, which celebrates June 12 as “Democracy Day”, runs contrary to the ideals of the day which was a watershed in a protracted struggle of Nigerians to end military dictatorship and enthrone a democratic rule with the hope of better living standards. However, it is apposite to state that on the basis of bourgeois democracy and economic programme, especially in a neo-colonial country, there was no guarantee that June 12 election won by MKO Abiola would have heralded better living standards for the vast majority.

Members of the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) joined socialists and civil society activists to organise protests in Lagos, Oyo and Osun states. The turnout was small compared to the recently past nationwide protests, for instance the last October 1 protest, not talk of the #EndBadGovernance protests in August 2024. For instance, Lagos which recorded the biggest outing had just about 300 protesters.

However, the protests, which were energetic and inspiring, enjoyed massive support from passers-by, bystanders, motorists and residents of areas the protesters passed. This underscores the fact the vast majority of working people and youth remain vehemently opposed to the Tinubu government and its policies. Indeed, this is reflected, in Lagos for instance, in an impressive sale of Socialist Democracy, the paper of the DSM. with a frontpage headline: “Tinubu Has Failed Nigeria”, with the majority of the copies sold being bought by those on the sidelines of the protest. It actually shows that the assertion of the headline resonates with most Nigerians on whose living standards and livelihood the capitalist policies have had devastating effects. For instance, a journalist who bought the paper in Ibadan used the image of the front page with the headline to illustrate the feeling of many Nigerians on the failure of the government in an open letter he did to Tinubu on social media.

The relatively small turnout at June 12 protest is most likely because the past actions were not able to force the Tinubu government to reverse the ruinous policies coupled with its sustained attacks of democratic rights attacking as a deterrent to any resistance and opposition to the policies. Therefore, many chose not to expend their time and energy on the protest but rather faced their daily struggle for survival. The leadership of the labour movement deserves the most blame for this situation. If they had not refused to put forward organised labour as a platform for a serious mass resistance against the anti-poor policies, some real concessions could have been won if not an outright reversal. We therefore reiterate the call on workers and trade union activists to mount a sustained pressure on the labour leadership to organise a serious struggle, for instance, a 24-general strike and mass protest as the first step, against the anti-poor policies of the Tinubu government. Despite a legitimate lack of trust in the leadership of labour by the working people and youth because of the past betrayal a serious mass mobilisation can draw massive supports for a general strike and bring several thousands on the street.

Therefore, the resolve of the working people, youth and activists who have sustained the resistance in the face of a depressing mood, the indolence of labour leadership and the intimidation of the Tinubu government is commendable. They have helped put on the front burner the feeling and position of the vast majority who are firmly against the anti-poor policies despite the propaganda of the government.

The protest despite its size also served as a bold statement and warning to the Tinubu government it is not a walkover for it. The government had to organise a counter protest in Lagos and deploy the police to attempt to intimidate and disorient the anti-government protesters. Besides, given a deep-seated mass anger against the government, it is not ruled out that a spark could provoke a tumultuous revolt before the next general elections.

The support of the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) Ikeja branch for the protest in Lagos is commendable. Before the protest they sent a letter to the state Commissioner of Police warning him against any plan to violate the rights of the protesters and did a fantastic report, which was widely circulated, after the protest highlighting the unprofessional conducts of the police including their expected bias towards the pro-Tinubu protesters.

Many copies of Socialist Democracy were sold.

Altogether, tens of thousands copies of separate leaflets issued by the #EndBadGovernace Lagos State, Joint Action Front (JAF) and DSM were widely circulated before and during the protest. The leaflets and also various placards in these protests generally call for the reversal of the anti-poor policies, end to attacks on democratic rights, dropping of trumped-up charges against Michael Lenin and others still on sham trial in connection with the #EndBadGovernace nationwide protest of August 2024, a serious tackling of the deepening insecurity etc. The materials of both the DSM and JAF in addition argue for why the working people and youth in addition to sustaining resistance against the anti-poor policies must also support building of a mass working people party on a socialist programme.

MINIMUM WAGE – N70,000 Not Enough

Workers and Trade Unions Should Fight for Full Implementation AND Begin Mass Struggle for a Living Wage

The Nigerian working class continues to suffer under the crushing weight of high cost of living and economic crisis. The current national minimum wage of N70,000 is, in reality, a huge joke. Yet the new minimum wage, which in less than a year has been eroded by inflation and rising cost of living, has not even been implemented by many states and private sector employers. For instance, according to Punch newspaper, at least 20 states have not begun the implementation for primary school teachers and local government employees (Punch, April 7).

By Moshood Osunfurewa

All this means that there is an urgent need for workers and trade union activists to mount pressure on the leadership of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and Trade Union Congress (TUC) to lead a serious struggle for the implementation of the current minimum wage. As we said in a previous article, the struggle must be centrally coordinated by the national leadership even when taking place at state level. This means that workers must not be left to whims and caprices of the state labour leaderships, many of whom are bribed lapdogs of their state governors. And where state labour leaders organize a serious struggle, there must be solidarity actions initiated by the national leadership so that they are not isolated.

Besides, even in some of the states where the N70,000 minimum wage has been purportedly implemented workers’ take home has been seriously dented by heavy taxation imposed by the state governments, for instance in Kwara state. Unfortunately, instead of the Kwara state labour leadership leading a serious struggle against the anti-worker taxation they chose to grovel before the governor who granted workers three months of tax relief, which had ended in December 2024. Indeed, the labour leadership ought to have factored in the taxes when negotiating the consequential adjustment of the salary structure following the enactment of the new national minimum wage.

It should be noted that the situation in Kwara is not an isolated case. Many state labour leaders did a bad job at the expense of workers in the negotiation. This is why workers and trade union activists must fight for an arrangement which forbids labour leaders signing agreement on pays and condition with the government or private employer without having first tabled it for a democratic decision at a workers’ congress.

This experience of Kwara state and other states as well as the fact the anti-poor capitalist policies such as the fuel subsidy removal, devaluation of the naira and electricity tariff increase which labour leaders refused to resist with mass struggle have rendered the minimum wage, which from its start last July was grossly inadequate, further worthless, should not be lost on workers, trade union activists and genuine labour leaders.

Unfortunately, it does not appear that any lesson has been learned. For instance, there are tax reform bills currently before the National Assembly, which are essentially anti-worker and anti-poor. Yet, beyond mere lamentation on its adverse implications, the national labour leadership have not mobilized workers to resist the reform. Workers and trade union activists should begin agitation at workplaces and through organs of unions for the NLC and TUC to take the issue of the tax reform seriously and mobilise for a mass struggle to defeat it.

What the national labour leadership were able to achieve at the last minimum wage negotiation, albeit marginal, is the reduction of the minimum wage review cycle from 5 years to 3 years. Though, we had argued that the minimum wage should be constantly reviewed in line with the rate of inflation, this is relatively better than the old minimum wage law. This means that a new national minimum wage is due in 2027. But the process towards it must start immediately.

Therefore, workers and trade union activists should begin agitation to put pressure on the labour leaders to immediately begin mass mobilization for a new national minimum wage, in addition to enforcing the full implementation of the current one. The minimum wage should be made an important issue in the campaigns for 2027 general elections. Given the rising cost of living and inflationary rate, we are of the opinion that workers must not accept anything less than N250,000 as the new national minimum wage, and as against the current agreement, it should be automatically increased in line with inflation.

We call on workers not to accept the argument from the government it is not possible for the economy to support such a decent wage. Workers and trade unions should demand a reduction of jumbo salaries and allowances of political office holders and other top government functionaries including placing them on average wage of skilled civil servants. The wasteful and fraudulent contracts system through which roads and other projects are carried out at outrageous and inflated costs should be scrapped and replaced with democratically managed and controlled public works. This if linked with the nationalisation of the key sectors of the economy and their planning under democratic workers control and management can ensure that resources are generated to pay living wage and carry out other basic functions.

Obviously to achieve a living wage will require a serious mass struggle. We have to recognise that today Labour is not in the same position that it was twenty or more years ago. The experience of years of Labour issuing bold words which are accompanied by either no action, or token actions rapidly halted, have undermined Labour’s standing as a force that will can for working people and the poor. In this situation workers should call on the labour leaders who are not prepared for the struggle to voluntarily resign or be replaced. At the same time Labour needs to be revived from the grassroots upwards and, when necessary, initiatives need to be taken from below to start action and inspire others to join in.

This mass struggle, we have advocated, should also demand reversal of all anti-poor capitalist policies including but not restricted to reduction of fuel and electricity prices to an affordable rate. It also includes an end to casualization and contract staffing, building of new public refineries, reversal of privatization of the power sector and deregulation of oil and gas sector. However, such renationalized power sector, public refineries and oil and gas sector must be placed under democratic control of working people.

Also importantly, given the experience of the 2023 general election where all the major presidential candidates advocated broadly the same anti-poor neo-liberal policies which largely account for the current devastation of the living standards and none was committed to paying a living wage, the struggle for the demands highlighted should be linked with the need for building a democratically run, and non-monetised, mass working people party on a socialist programme. Experience, both in Nigeria and internationally has shown that on the basis of profit-first, iniquitous capitalist system, it is not possible to achieve a living wage for workers and the provision of other basic needs of life on a permanent basis. Hence, the need for a government which on the basis of democratic socialist planning make them achievable. Workers and trade unions have to fight for this.

YRC Condemns Third Postponement of #ENDBADGOVERNANCE Protesters ‘Treason’ Trial

TREASON TRIAL OF 11 #ENDBADGOVERNANCE PROTESTERS: DROP ALL THE CHARGES NOW

WE CONDEMN THE CONTINUOUS DELAY OF THE TRIAL AND THE PERSISTENT ABSENCE OF THE JUDGE

The Youth Rights Campaign (YRC) strongly condemns the continuous delay of the trial of Adaramoye Michael Lenin and 10 other #Endbadgovernance protesters who were charged with treason by the Tinubu administration over their involvement in the #Endbadgovernance protest which erupted last year August. We also condemn the persistent absence of the trial Judge, Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court Abuja, each time the case has come up for hearing in the last five months. As a result, the accused activists are yet to have their day in court over six months after they were charged. This delay has caused the accused activists enormous psychological and material strain. We hereby call on the Federal Government to stop wasting the time of the activists over a sham trial. Instead of wasting their time and taxpayers’ money any further, we hereby demand immediate dismissal of the false charges and a public apology to the 11 #EndBadGovernance protesters.

After overcoming the hurdles of a stringent bail conditions, the activists looked forward to the date for trial which was first set for November 8, 2024. Shockingly, the Judge, Justice Emeka Nwite, who set the date was absent on the day the trial was supposed to commence. Consequently, a new date of January, 29, 2025 was set. The activists, who had no reason to be scared of the trumped-up charges against them, had showed up in court, however, again it was no-show for the judge. The absence of the judge meant that a new date had to be agreed on. Hence, March 26 was chosen as a new date for the commencement of trial. Again, the Judge was not in court on this new date! The best explanation we have gotten so far is that the judge is on vacation. The baffling question is how a judge would fix and agree to date of court sitting on three different occasions and be absent? And how many vacations does a Judge take within six months? As far as we are concerned, this is a deliberate attempt to stall the trial and ensure the threat of a death penalty continues to hang on the neck of these innocent Nigerians. We condemn this ‘hide and seek’ gimmick.

We seize this opportunity to call for the dropping of all charges against the 11 #Endbadgovernance protesters charged with treason, and all other #Endbangovernance protesters across the country. We strongly believe that the trial is a ploy by the government not only to criminalize peaceful protest, but to deter Nigerians from protesting against the hardship and misery caused by the pro-capitalist policies of the Tinubu administration. It is important to add that the government through the Attorney General, Lateef Fagbemi, had discharged and discontinued similar suit of treason against 119 protesters who were mostly minors after their arraignment in court on November 1, 2024. That arraignment was a gory sight, many of the children had been starved and detained for weeks at different detention centers, including at Abattoir, the notorious police detention centre in Abuja where the 11 Endbadgovernance were also kept for weeks.

We are surprised that the same reprieve has not been extended to Adaramoye Michael Lenin and other protesters still on trial despite the fact that the charges against all of them are broadly the same. We believe that the further entertainment of this matter will not only lead to a wastage of the precious time of the court but also help sustain a national and global embarrassment to the image of Nigeria. Solidarity protests have been held at Nigerian embassies or diplomatic offices in a number of countries in Europe and the US at every court day since last September. We are also aware that Jeremy Corbyn, former leader of British Labour Party, recently signed a petition to the Nigerian High Commissioner in the UK, calling for the withdrawal of charges against #Endbadgovenance protesters and an end to attacks on democratic rights of Nigerians by the government This is why we would like to urge the Attorney General of the Federation to use his power to ensure that the time of the court is not further wasted on what is clearly a frivolous and malicious prosecution.

Francis Nwapa

National Secretary

Youth Rights Campaign

Email: youth_rights@yahoo.com

No to Imposition of State of Emergency in Rivers State:

Working People Should Reject Tinubu Government’s Growing Descent to Civilian Dictatorship

No Illusion in Any Capitalist Politician. For a Mass Working People Political Alternative

Statement of the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM)

The imposition of the emergency rule in Rivers State is the latest of the anti-democratic actions from the stable of President Bola Tinubu. Recently, he forced 36 legislators of the 40-member Lagos House of Assembly who had democratically removed their speaker to reverse their decision because they did not have his blessing. Though, now in Abuja as the President, he still calls the shots in Lagos, where is a former governor, like the lord of the manor. Besides, his government regularly attacks democratic rights of working people and youth including rights to freedom of expression and protest.

Clearly throwing his official heavyweight behind Nyesom Wike, who is in political standoff with his estranged political godson Governor Sim Fubara over the control of the soul and resources of the oil-rich state, President Tinubu on March 18 suspended the Rivers governor and the State House of Assembly and appointed former Chief of Naval Staff Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd.) as the sole administrator for the next six months. In other words, with the earlier dissolution of the local government councils on the order of the Supreme Court which nullified the process of their emergence, there is no semblance of democratic institution in Rivers State. So, what obtains at present is reminiscent of a military rule.

According to Tinubu in his national broadcast over the state of emergency, the administrator will not make new laws but he is free to formulate regulations as may be found necessary. However, such regulations are subject to the consideration and approval of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) where Wike sits as a Minister. Though, the House of Representatives passed a resolution that the National Assembly should take over the role of the Rivers State assembly, it does not really reduce the direct influence of the FEC on the Sole Administrator. In other words, Wike, the leader of a party to the conflict that purportedly prompted the suspension of the governor, will be involved in running the state as a FEC member. Though, the conflict is officially between the state governor and the vast majority members of the state House of Assembly, it is Wike who is pulling the strings of the latter.

To be clear, it should be stressed that Fubara, who as Rivers State Accountant General was shielded by Wike from arrest by the EFCC over corruption allegations, is not a saint in this conflict. Fubara callously demolished the Rivers House of Assembly complex and prevented the majority of members from sitting apparently to avert a possible impeachment. He derecognized 27 members in a 31-person assembly and was undemocratically dealing with four members with whom he was governing the state including on laws, budget and appointments.

It was a judgement by the Supreme Court delivered on February 28 which tilted the scales against the governor as it favoured the 27 legislators. The judgement reversed all the undemocratic actions of the governor. Therefore, after the initial grandstanding, Fubara began to make move to play ball most likely on the terms of the assembly members. For instance, following the order of the Supreme Court, he dissolved the local government councils and made a move to re-present the 2025 budget proposal which had been earlier approved by his 4-member assembly.

Therefore, there was no immediate basis for the impeachment process that the state assembly initiated against him shortly before the declaration of state of emergency. Rather, it was the resolve of Wike and his sidekick assembly members to get even with the governor that prompted the plan to remove him.

Indeed, it was not impossible that the notice of impeachment itself was a calculated tactic from the Wike camp with the support of Tinubu to create a basis for the imposition of the emergency rule. It was not likely for the impeachment plan to succeed, if it had gone ahead, as the Chief Judge of the state, who is required by the constitution to set up a panel to investigate the allegations leveled against the governor, is an ally of the governor.

No doubt, Governor Fubara fell for the trap. At a gathering shortly before his suspension, he had made a speech which only thinly veiled his endorsement of a threat of attacks on oil and gas pipelines made by some Rivers state youth should he be impeached. However, it is not yet clear whether any of the pipeline explosions that took place in the state recently had any direct link to the threat or the political crisis in the state. Indeed, according to media reports, findings have shown that some reported explosions at oil facilities were false. “For instance, the viral video on social media alleging that suspected militants bombed two Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) flow stations at Cawthorne Channel in the State was false. It was confirmed that the explosion was an old clip from a February 19, 2025, explosion at Cawthorne Channel 1 in Iloamatoru, Bonny, which claimed three lives” (Guardian March 23, 2025).

Nonetheless, Tinubu cited “disturbing incidents of vandalism of pipelines by some militants without the governor taking any action to curtail them” as one of the grounds for the imposition of the state of emergency. However, typical of bourgeois politicians, this is a demonstration of blatant hypocrisy by Tinubu who as an opposition figure in 2013 had in condemnation of the state of emergency on Borno, Adamawa and Yobe by the then President Goodluck Jonathan, argued that state governors had no real power to guarantee security. Then in his words Tinubu said: “No Governor of a state in Nigeria is indeed the Chief Security Officer. Putting the blame on the Governors, who have been effectively emasculated, for the abysmal performance of the government at the centre which controls all these security agencies, smacks of ignorance and mischief.”

Truly, it was political mischief, not the “actual breakdown of public order and public safety” or the danger of it, that prompted the removal of the state governor. While it is for Wike to regain his fierce hold on the state and its resources, to Tinubu, it is a cold move and desperation to have an ally or a weakened opposition figure in control of the state ahead of the 2027 presidential election. It should be recalled that the local and international observers expressly believed that 2023 presidential election in Rivers State was brazenly rigged in favour of Tinubu by Wike as the then state governor. And, Wike, who was rewarded by Tinubu as the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja and who has his ‘yes men’ in the national leadership of the PDP, has in further return of favour helped cripple that party such that it is unable play any real or seeming opposition to Tinubu.

Tinubu, with the lowest ever share of votes to become a President in the history of Nigeria, has even had his limited electoral support originally based on ethnic and religious affiliation eroded because of his unabashed, anti-poor neo-liberal capitalist policies which have had devasting effects on the vast majority. Therefore, it is not out of place to conclude that to him his re-election bid will be a do or die affair. In other words, he is prepared to do anything no matter how undemocratic and unlawful in order to be officially declared the winner of the 2027 presidential election.

So whichever way one looks at it, Tinubu’s declaration of State of Emergency in Rivers State stands as an assault on civil rule. The process of the implementation of the declaration itself which saw both chambers of the National Assembly approve the undemocratic policy without first ascertaining quorum and amidst allegations of bribery is an additional indication of the absurdity of the all exercise. Therefore, the working class, the youth, unions, social movements and all credible forces must condemn and reject this development. To this extent, we welcome a joint statement of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) in which they “unequivocally condemn Mr. President’s hasty and unconstitutional declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State.”

However, we disagree with them that “beyond the political and legal implications, this unjustified state of emergency will … lead to job losses, wage cuts, and economic hardship for thousands of workers in both the formal and informal sectors”. This is because the assertion gives an impression that job losses, wage cuts, and economic hardship were not a feature or reality in Rivers State, nay Nigeria, already long before Tinubu’s declaration of emergency rule. The fact is that as a result of the neo-liberal capitalist policies of Tinubu, which are supported by all the governors including Fubara and which the leaderships of the NLC and TUC have failed to seriously oppose or fight against, the economic hardship and poor economic indices, which preexisted the Tinubu government, have been greatly worsened. Indeed, the national minimum wage of N70,000 won by the NLC and TUC in 2024 is actually a wage cut if compared with N30,000 minimum wage won in 2019 as a result of inflation triggered by the anti-poor capitalist policies of Tinubu.

Nonetheless, we call on the NLC and TUC not to limit their opposition to the state of emergency in Rivers to a mere statement. They, together civil society organizations, should also organize a nationwide mass protest and other legitimate actions in order to make a bold statement against an action of Tinubu they describe as “not only unlawful but a direct assault on democracy”. But it should not also be lost on the organized labour that Fubara in the course of the conflict was also a culprit of “direct assault on democracy”.

Good enough, the Rivers State councils of both the NLC and TUC have already indicated that “the organised labour may be compelled to take strategic union actions which might disrupt national economic activities if our demands are not met within a reasonable timeframe.” However, this must not be a mere hot air.

Moreover, the protest we have proposed and whatever action Labour may plan must not be limited to rejecting the emergency rule in Rivers alone but generally include all the attacks on democratic rights of working people and youth and the descent to civilian dictatorship, something which has become a feature of the Tinubu government. In order to ride roughshod over the working people with its anti-poor policies, stifling of democratic rights including freedom of expression and criminalization of protest have become a state policy of the Tinubu government. For instance, over 2000 persons including minors were incarcerated for about two months in police detention and prison in connection with #EndBadGovernance nationwide protest against mass hunger and economic hardship in August last year. Not done, Tinubu government has preferred trumped-up charges including treason which carries death penalty, before Federal High Court Abuja, against 11 activists including Adaramoye Michael Lenin, National Coordinator of YRC and a member of DSM because, according to the police court paper, they carried placards with inscription: “End Bad Government”! Many young people and bloggers have also been detained or made to face sham trial on undemocratic, fraudulent cyber laws.

The latest action of President Tinubu represents a concrete escalation in the situation in Nigeria. More and more, Tinubu regime is acting like a dictatorship in a bid to push through its anti-poor economic reforms and maintain political control while in the process undermining civil rule in the eyes of the masses especially the youth. This may have implication in the near future. At the moment, the truth will not be lost on many – that an ‘elected’ president enlisted elements of the military (even though retired) in an attempt to take control of an opposition-rule state ahead of the next general elections.

Going forward, while working people must resist attacks on democratic rights and any action or measure that tends to further erode even the limited democratic space which has been won, they must not have illusion in any capitalist politician or line behind any section of the capitalist ruling elite. The experiences since the return to the civilian rule in 1999, for instance, have shown that all capitalist politicians at all levels are prepared to unleash “direct assault on democracy” to advance their self-serving interests, and they all carry out anti-poor policies as a logical consequence of their inequitable, profit-first and greed-enabling capitalist system. Therefore, in order for the working people and youth to really enjoin what is popularly termed in Nigeria as “dividends of democracy” there is need, in addition to consistent struggle against anti-poor capitalist policies, for a mass working party that could wrest power from the thieving capitalist ruling elite and begin to organize the country on the democratic basis of socialist planning.

Peluola Adewale

Organising Secretary

For Democratic Socialist Movement

Tinubu Tax Reforms Will Compound The Economic Crisis

The CDWR holds public symposium and calls on workers to organize actions to reject the bills and fight for a political alternative.

By Davy Fidel

On Tuesday 11 March 2025, the Campaign for Democratic and Workers Rights (CDWR) organized a public symposium to discuss the implications of President Bola Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bills currently before the National Assembly for working people and the poor. The theme of the symposium is: “Tinubu Tax Reform: Any Benefit for Working People and the Poor?’’

One of the objectives of the symposium is to use the gathering to call on workers in the trade unions to mount pressure on their leadership to mobilize for actions against the bills and other anti-poor neo-liberal capitalist policies.

In attendance, both physically and virtually, were about 60 people from trade unions and civil society organisations. These include the representatives of the Lagos councils of the two labour centres, Nigeria Labour Congress and the Trade Union Congress. Some individual industrial unions – affiliated to either the NLC or TUC – were also represented. They included Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), Association of Senior Staff of Banks, Insurance and Financial Institutions Employees (ASBIFIE), Cab Operators Union, Lagos State Council of Amalgamated Union of Public Corporation, Civil Service Technical and Recreational Services Employees (AUPCTRE), Lagos State Council of National Association of Nigeria Nurses and Midwives (NANNM), Precision Electrical and Related Equipment Senior Staff Association (PERESSA), National Union of Food Beverage and Tobacco Employees (NUFBTE) and Lagos State Welders Association. The left and civil society organisations in attendance were Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM), Centre for Popular Education (CEPED), MEKUNU-KOYA, Joint Action Front (JAF), ACTIVISTA, Movement for African Emancipation (MAE) and Socialist Vanguard Tendency (SVT).

The speakers at the event were Lanre Akinola, a chartered account and NEC member of the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) and Dr Dele Ashiru, National Convenor, ASUU Committee on Students and Civil Society Organizations. Other speakers were Abiodun Aladetan, Lagos State Secretary, Trade Union Congress and Bisi Idowu Vice Chair, Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) Lagos State Council.

Rufus Olusesan, National President of PERESSA and also the national chair of the CDWR, moderated the symposium. He introduced the theme and highlighted the ills behind the tax reforms and why workers must begin to unite themselves via the trade unions so they can challenge the bills. In his introduction, he said. “’this public symposium is to discuss the bill and how workers can engage it before it becomes a law.”

He added that the cost of living and inflation has devalued the new minimum wage of N70, 000 the Tinubu presidency is boasting they have enacted to ease the suffering of workers. Stressing the consequences of the tax reform bills, Rufus also emphasized that workers must not trust the government or fall behind the propaganda that workers under the N70, 000 will be exempted. He said, “It will be a self-harm for any worker to agree with such propaganda.”

He further stressed the fact that this government of Tinubu does not serve the interest of workers and the poor working people. Rather, the ruling elites defending the neo-liberal policies of the IMF and World Bank only understand how they will continue to use them to stiffen the life of the oppressed Nigerians.

Lanre Akinola, a tax expert, who was the lead speaker elaborated the issues around the tax reform bills, and why the reform doesn’t serve the interest of the working people and why workers must protest against it.

He used the example of the privatization of the power sector, which has proved to be a monumental failure and fraud contrary to what the government made the ordinary people to believe before it was carried out, as a reminder to the working people not fall for lies and deceit of the government that the tax reform will benefit ordinary workers and the poor. He explained that why it is true that in the bill anybody earning N800,000 and below is exempt, they will be made to pay much more through VAT and other anti-poor policies like increment in school fees in addition to the existing impacts of the devaluation of the Naira and removal of the fuel subsidy. Besides, he further explained, a few workers in the public sector would really benefit from tax relief put in the bills.

Lanre Akinola, a chartered accountant and member of DSM NEC

In the course of his speech, Lanre also explained the damage that tax reform will do to public education, health, social services, and all other aspects of life for the working people in Nigeria. For instance, he said that if the bills become laws school fees in public tertiary universities will be so astronomical and children from working class homes won’t be able to access public university education. This is because one of the plans of the bill is to scrap Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund) which largely accounts for the provision of infrastructures and facilities in the tertiary institutions. In his words, “If TETFund began to withdraw their funds from public tertiary institutions, it will mean school fees may triple and many students will drop out of the university because their parents won’t be able to pay their school fees.”

He further explained how the government of Tinubu plans to use VAT to further compound the suffering of working people and the poor, struggling to cope with the current social economic hardship. He warned that workers shouldn’t dance behind any section of the capitalist ruling elite, playing up ethnic and regional card over the sharing formula. Rather, they should unite in their strength to oppose the bill and fight for improved living conditions.

On his part, Abiodun Aladetan – the State Secretary, TUC Lagos –shared his personal ordeal of the electricity tariff and the exorbitant bill of N35 million, the estate he resides received. He was firm in his words when he said “the privatization of the power sector has failed and it is not working.” On the tax reform bill, he stated that the position of the TUC includes the rejection of the planned hike in VAT and demand for an increase in the tax minimum threshold from N800,000 to N2.5m. He added that state leadership is making an effort to educate workers about the danger inherent in the tax bills. However, just like the NLC, whose representative also spoke, there is no a program of action by the TUC to defeat the bills or enforce their own demands.

Dr. Dele Ashiru started by going on historical lane, stating that the current attacks of the Tinubu government on workers and the poor is a continuation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) that was introduced by the military dictator Ibrahim Babangida in mid-1980’s in line with the dictates of the IMF and World Bank. On TETFund, he recalled how the struggle of ASUU over university funding led to the establishment of the Fund. According to him, while ASUU has some questions over the democratic management and accountability of the Fund, it is vehemently opposed to its scrapping. He added that the tax reform in general is a summary of the government shifting the burden over to the working people and relieving the super-rich from paying fair taxes. The state, he said, has failed to uphold its responsibility and it is hiding under a fraudulent saying that the state doesn’t have business in business. To him, “free quality education is possible and it is the state that must fund it.’’

A new pamphlet produced by the CDWR and titled “Tinubu’s Tax Reform Will Compound Economic Crises”’, was presented at the symposium by Chinedu Bosah, Publicity Secretary of the CDWR and a leading member of the DSM. He spoke briefly on the bill and why workers in the trade unions must not be quiet. He argued that the tax reform bill can be used to steer a national campaign and mobilise for mass actions against the government and its anti-poor policies. However, the trade unions must be willing to be active in the campaign and drive the campaign in conjunction with civil society groups.

Copies of the pamphlet were shared to the unions and civil society organisations in attendance, and an open appeal was made to the unions for donation towards producing more copies for wider circulation among workers and other subsequent material necessary for a struggle against the tax reform. The pamphlet will be updated with new details after the bills are passed into law.

The contributors to the discussion from the audience were all critical of the lack of seriousness on the part of the national leadership of both the NLC and TUC. Therefore, they urged the labour leaders to begin mass mobilization of the working people and work with the civil society to build national actions in order to defeat the anti-poor provisions of the bills before they become laws.

A worker making a contribution at the symposium

It was also stressed that the struggle against the tax reform must be linked with the struggle against the entire anti-poor capitalist policies and the need for a mass working political alternative with a socialist program.

The pamphlet states in part, ‘”Under capitalism, the rule of engagement is to subject the working class and the poor masses into exploitative slavery. It is the organization of the working classes such as the trade unions that should resist exploitation and organize to eventually defeat capitalism.”

Solidarity songs were chanted to bring the symposium that lasted for over 4 hours to an end. But before then the DSM comrades had sold 26 copies of Socialist Democracy – the paper of the organization.

CDWR email: campaignworkers@yahoo.co.uk